By Takura Zhangazha*
I am registered to vote in Harare’s Dzivaresekwa parliamentary constituency. It is one of the poorest residential areas in
Harare and like most urban constituencies in Zimbabwe has over a decade of
regularly voting for the mainstream opposition.
Harare and like most urban constituencies in Zimbabwe has over a decade of
regularly voting for the mainstream opposition.
I have exercised my right to vote quite religiously since
the year 2000. Every major election, notwithstanding
numerous difficulties, I have diligently joined a queue and cast my vote. Whether the
vote would be for a referendum or parliamentary, council, presidential or as recent
as 2013, a harmonised election, I have performed this core national duty to
the best of my abilities and within democratic reason.
the year 2000. Every major election, notwithstanding
numerous difficulties, I have diligently joined a queue and cast my vote. Whether the
vote would be for a referendum or parliamentary, council, presidential or as recent
as 2013, a harmonised election, I have performed this core national duty to
the best of my abilities and within democratic reason.
This year and unexpectedly so, I am called upon to again exercise
this democratic right in a by-election scheduled for 10 June 2015. The previous MP, Solomon Madzore, did not resign, become incapacitated nor has
he been convicted of a crime during his term of office .
this democratic right in a by-election scheduled for 10 June 2015. The previous MP, Solomon Madzore, did not resign, become incapacitated nor has
he been convicted of a crime during his term of office .
He was removed from the National Assembly
following the invoking of Section 129 (1k) of the constitution that allows his
original party to write to the Speaker advising that so and so is no longer a
party member and therefore cannot represent the party as MP.
following the invoking of Section 129 (1k) of the constitution that allows his
original party to write to the Speaker advising that so and so is no longer a
party member and therefore cannot represent the party as MP.
I cannot vouch for his parliamentary tenure and its popularity
with his former constituents. Nor am I
privy to the internal party shenanigans that led to his dismissal apart from
what has appeared in the newspapers. What
I do know is that as a result of his former party expelling him, I am being asked
to cast my vote to help resolve an internal party problem.
with his former constituents. Nor am I
privy to the internal party shenanigans that led to his dismissal apart from
what has appeared in the newspapers. What
I do know is that as a result of his former party expelling him, I am being asked
to cast my vote to help resolve an internal party problem.
This is probably the same for all voters who will be casting their
ballots on 10 June 2015 in their respective constituencies. And for those that have already undergone or
will undergo by-elections for similar reasons.
ballots on 10 June 2015 in their respective constituencies. And for those that have already undergone or
will undergo by-elections for similar reasons.
With a heavy heart, and in my own personal capacity, I have
decided to exercise my right not to vote on 10 June 2015 for the five distinct reasons
outlined below:
decided to exercise my right not to vote on 10 June 2015 for the five distinct reasons
outlined below:
- Firstly, voting is an issue I consider to be a serious act
that, in turn, should also reciprocate serious explanations by the powers that be as
to why it must occur in-between
general elections. In this case, the fact that individual members of a political
party disagree is not a democratic enough reason. That political parties have internal disputes
is a given. To have these disputes then translate with such ease into whole
elections is symptomatic of a lack of seriousness on their part and not
mine. I have no particular obligation to
demonstrate a willingness to help solve what are essentially personality and
not policy clashes in political parties. Had the sitting MP resigned or become incapacitated,
I would have readily cast my vote for a new one. In this case neither applies to the
Dzivaresekwa constituency and others. - Secondly, I then had to ask myself what my vote will possibly change apart from giving one candidate or the
other ascension to the privileges that come with the office of being MP. Our current
parliamentary system is a convoluted first past the post and proportional representation
system in which one major party, Zanu Pf, currently has majority and centrist command of the
legislative agenda. This with the fact that even if an opposition MP won this
pending by-election, it would not affect the ruling party’s two thirds majority
in Parliament. So this exercise becomes one in which I will only be participating
in abstract and pretentious expressions of democracy with no expectations of
any policy changes as a result of my vote. - In the third instance, I am thoroughly persuaded that during these harsh economic times, our
politicians should be seeking to address our socio-economic plight. The fact that they have time to continuously (and unnecessarily) campaign as opposed to solving economic problems does not solve the challenges of the
national economy let alone boost investor confidence and much needed foreign direct
investment/assistance. That political party leaders are comfortable with perpetual
electioneering can only be indicative of either their incompetence, lack of a clear national
development agenda or a combination of both. There are reasons why there are five year terms, and key among these is performance legitimacy as opposed to elections in perpetuity. - Fourthly, I know that in the long run these by elections may
be part of a political game plan around Zanu Pf succession politics or
consolidation of internal power in the mainstream MDC-T. All in supposed aid of
total victory in the 2018 harmonised elections. It is however not a burden that
must be passed on to the voter without democratic reasoning both internally within
specific political parties or in broader external and national terms. Party
leaders must not avoid key internal debates only to claim to be either ‘brands’
or ‘infallible’ leaders in the eyes of the electorate. The fact that they have all let their issues
get out of hand to the extent of invoking by-elections is an indictment on
their individual capacities as leaders of their respective parties. It is also a further indictment of the crass
opportunism of political parties that are not currently represented in
Parliament and are seeking vaingloriously to rationalize the ineptitude of the leadership
of their rivals. In this, they perpetuate the ‘big man’ syndrome and negative
materialistic culture of our national political culture. - Finally, I am of the view that the new constitution, in its
elitist incrementalism is thoroughly devoid of a holistic and organic intention
to democratise our society. It can only
be viewed, in the final analysis, as another power sharing document that will
be subjected to continued abuse by those in power or even in parliamentary opposition.
At some point, and hopefully soon, the people of Zimbabwe shall have a truly
people driven, organic and democratic constitution.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity
(takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
(takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
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