Morgan Tsvangirai, At the Deep End: A narrative of an historical arrival?
By Takura Zhangazha.*
Morgan Tsvangirai, At the Deep End is a very brave and somewhat
surprising book. It is brave in the sense that the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe,
who is also the president of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) decided
to give a very personal account of his life and experience in Zimbabwean
politics. This is a rare phenomenon in Zimbabwe given the fact that seldom do
incumbent leaders in government write memoirs, let alone while they are still
in office. The last prominent Zimbabwean leader to do so was Joshua Nkomo whose
memoirs, ‘The Story of My Life’ were
published while he was President of Zimbabwe African Peoples Union in the
aftermath of our national independence.
surprising book. It is brave in the sense that the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe,
who is also the president of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) decided
to give a very personal account of his life and experience in Zimbabwean
politics. This is a rare phenomenon in Zimbabwe given the fact that seldom do
incumbent leaders in government write memoirs, let alone while they are still
in office. The last prominent Zimbabwean leader to do so was Joshua Nkomo whose
memoirs, ‘The Story of My Life’ were
published while he was President of Zimbabwe African Peoples Union in the
aftermath of our national independence.
The surprise componentsof the book are to be found in the revelations that the Prime Minister makes in
reference to his party’s history and his interactions with other leaders. He
also surprisingly refers to the ‘no vote’ in the constitutional referendum as a
mistake ‘with the benefit of hindsight’
a point that is controversial on its own. Some
of these revelations have already been published locally and on the internet in
the print and electronic media.
In reading Mr. Tsvangirai’s account of his political
experiences there is an evident sense of arrival in the tone and language of
the book. The narration of his life history interspersed with historical data
is essentially one that seems to reflect the author’s intention to tell the
story of a journey travelled against many odds, but with a successful
outcome. In part, the success of the
journey is metaphorically hinted to as being ‘the mountain has finally accepted
that it needs to have a bath in a tiny pond down the river’[1]. This is made with reference to Mugabe’s
capitulation and agreement to talk with Tsvangirai after the disputed June 2008
presidential election run-off.
experiences there is an evident sense of arrival in the tone and language of
the book. The narration of his life history interspersed with historical data
is essentially one that seems to reflect the author’s intention to tell the
story of a journey travelled against many odds, but with a successful
outcome. In part, the success of the
journey is metaphorically hinted to as being ‘the mountain has finally accepted
that it needs to have a bath in a tiny pond down the river’[1]. This is made with reference to Mugabe’s
capitulation and agreement to talk with Tsvangirai after the disputed June 2008
presidential election run-off.
Furthermore, the sense of arrival and achievement isaugmented by the writer’s general confession to being ordinary in relation to
what other heads of states and government and parties would normally be like.
This is illustrated vividly in the sections of the book where Mr. Tsvangirai
describes his mistrust and despair at members of his party’s national executive
who were proposing together with the Zimbabwe African National Union, Patriotic
Front (Zanu Pf) negotiators that there be a degree requirement for presidential
aspirants. This together with his character judgment of now Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara where he
writes, ‘ the narrow technical traits our universities prize as higher learning
can easily block our access to wisdom, deform our morals and deplete our
intuitive gifts to a point where common
sense ceases to be common’[2].
In this it is fairly apparent that the author is aware of the judgment call
that has been made on his levels of education, and he feels somewhat vindicated
that for all the education of his colleagues in the inclusive government, he
seems to be grounded in a better understanding of politics.
In the book it is also apparent that the author has some
disdain for some non-governmental organizations as well as those he refers to
as ‘desk-top revolutionaries’ who were being impatient with the ‘struggle’. He
also accuses some civil society organizations of being motivated more by
seeking to secure donor funding than they were to the struggle. It’s a harsh
judgement call on non-state actors, and perhaps some of them will respond,
given the fact that they too were party to the National Working Peoples
Convention (NWPC) that he vividly describes.
disdain for some non-governmental organizations as well as those he refers to
as ‘desk-top revolutionaries’ who were being impatient with the ‘struggle’. He
also accuses some civil society organizations of being motivated more by
seeking to secure donor funding than they were to the struggle. It’s a harsh
judgement call on non-state actors, and perhaps some of them will respond,
given the fact that they too were party to the National Working Peoples
Convention (NWPC) that he vividly describes.
Moreover, in relation to civil society organizations, Mr.
Tsvangirai makes the bold, and in my view thoroughly wrong assertion that ‘the no
vote’ in the constitutional referendum of 14 February 2000 was a ‘strategic
mistake’. While his opinion echoes that
of his rival Professor Welshman Ncube, it is an opinion that is more
conjectural than it is based on a full understanding of the importance of the
‘no vote’ to his own party’s interests. The assumption given in the book is that
had the draft constitution been passed at the referendum, President Mugabe’s
succession would have been easier is not necessarily true for speculation. The
‘no vote’ being the first national defeat for the incumbent ZANU PF in a national
plebiscite had deeper political meaning than Mugabe’s succession. It was the
coming into a new consciousness of the people of Zimbabwe and was therefore a
necessary historical event and outcome.
Tsvangirai makes the bold, and in my view thoroughly wrong assertion that ‘the no
vote’ in the constitutional referendum of 14 February 2000 was a ‘strategic
mistake’. While his opinion echoes that
of his rival Professor Welshman Ncube, it is an opinion that is more
conjectural than it is based on a full understanding of the importance of the
‘no vote’ to his own party’s interests. The assumption given in the book is that
had the draft constitution been passed at the referendum, President Mugabe’s
succession would have been easier is not necessarily true for speculation. The
‘no vote’ being the first national defeat for the incumbent ZANU PF in a national
plebiscite had deeper political meaning than Mugabe’s succession. It was the
coming into a new consciousness of the people of Zimbabwe and was therefore a
necessary historical event and outcome.
In relation to the media, the book praises in part the arrival
of the Daily News and other media for
helping spread access to information and Mr. Tsvangirai also expresses his
sympathy for the harsh treatment meted out on the paper. He expresses his
commitment, in part, to a free media, but this may not be as apparent in the
aftermath of the formation of the inclusive government in which he is the Prime
Minister. Media freedom remains a
challenge that he must evidently address in contemporary Zimbabwe,
particularly by pushing for the repeal of the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA).
of the Daily News and other media for
helping spread access to information and Mr. Tsvangirai also expresses his
sympathy for the harsh treatment meted out on the paper. He expresses his
commitment, in part, to a free media, but this may not be as apparent in the
aftermath of the formation of the inclusive government in which he is the Prime
Minister. Media freedom remains a
challenge that he must evidently address in contemporary Zimbabwe,
particularly by pushing for the repeal of the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA).
The most telling narrative however is that of ‘victory’ over
his political rivals as it were. Where he gives accounts of the leadership
styles of other leaders he has interacted or worked with, he seeks to emerge as
the eventual winner, regardless of what they may have thought of his leadership
style or education. And this is a key point of the book. It is basically to
say, that regardless of the odds put out against him, the personal grief, the political
challenges set by ZANU PF, SADC and some of his own members, he, Morgan
Tsvangirai overcame them, and is not going anywhere soon.
his political rivals as it were. Where he gives accounts of the leadership
styles of other leaders he has interacted or worked with, he seeks to emerge as
the eventual winner, regardless of what they may have thought of his leadership
style or education. And this is a key point of the book. It is basically to
say, that regardless of the odds put out against him, the personal grief, the political
challenges set by ZANU PF, SADC and some of his own members, he, Morgan
Tsvangirai overcame them, and is not going anywhere soon.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity If you would like to use this article in any other publication or forum please use the entire version. Where you edit it please acknowledge that you found it on takurazhangazha.blogspot.com .
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