By Takura Zhangazha*
Political struggles require recognition beyond their own
contexts. This southern African side of
the world it is an historically given fact that liberation struggles against
colonialism had tremendous solidarity from activists and eventually some
governments from the global north and east.
This solidarity and direct support came only after a much coveted ‘recognition’
of the values and principles of the struggle.
contexts. This southern African side of
the world it is an historically given fact that liberation struggles against
colonialism had tremendous solidarity from activists and eventually some
governments from the global north and east.
This solidarity and direct support came only after a much coveted ‘recognition’
of the values and principles of the struggle.
Liberation struggle movements of
varying hue and colour were to compete for this recognition. In Southern Africa, after the earlier
independence of Ghana, Tanzania and later on Mozambique, the competition for recognition
was particularly high and linked to the battles of global spheres of influence during
the Cold War. Rival liberation movements
and their factions would go to Dar es Salaam to claim greater struggle
authenticity to justify support and solidarity from Julius Nyerere’s
government. To be specific, Zimbabwe’s liberation
movements, Zanu Pf and PF Zapu had a hard time of it competing to be seen as either
the largest or the most radically committed to socialist values as defined by
Nyerere, Khruschev ,Mao and Wilson.
varying hue and colour were to compete for this recognition. In Southern Africa, after the earlier
independence of Ghana, Tanzania and later on Mozambique, the competition for recognition
was particularly high and linked to the battles of global spheres of influence during
the Cold War. Rival liberation movements
and their factions would go to Dar es Salaam to claim greater struggle
authenticity to justify support and solidarity from Julius Nyerere’s
government. To be specific, Zimbabwe’s liberation
movements, Zanu Pf and PF Zapu had a hard time of it competing to be seen as either
the largest or the most radically committed to socialist values as defined by
Nyerere, Khruschev ,Mao and Wilson.
In post independent Zimbabwe, while political party competition
for recognition dissipated in the 20 odd years plus, it re-emerged with the
demise of Zanu Pf party hegemony over the country’s politics. The arrival of the then labour backed
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) brought this back into vogue. Again it
pitted the global West versus the global East. And as of old, the leaders of
these parties Mugabe and Tsvangirai, pitched themselves as the more authentic
and therefore the more deserving of support.
The latter decided to go back to the rhetoric of the anti-colonial
struggle and its then staunchest supporters in the form of SADC, the African
Union, China and Russia. The former
decided to pursue those that would be allies of liberalism and democratization in
the form of the former colonial power the United Kingdom and its allies in
Europe as well as the then global superpower, the United States of America.
for recognition dissipated in the 20 odd years plus, it re-emerged with the
demise of Zanu Pf party hegemony over the country’s politics. The arrival of the then labour backed
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) brought this back into vogue. Again it
pitted the global West versus the global East. And as of old, the leaders of
these parties Mugabe and Tsvangirai, pitched themselves as the more authentic
and therefore the more deserving of support.
The latter decided to go back to the rhetoric of the anti-colonial
struggle and its then staunchest supporters in the form of SADC, the African
Union, China and Russia. The former
decided to pursue those that would be allies of liberalism and democratization in
the form of the former colonial power the United Kingdom and its allies in
Europe as well as the then global superpower, the United States of America.
This seeking out of international support and or solidarity was
and is as expected. It does however have
many consequences. Some of them good,
such as the eventual SADC mediated inclusive government of Mugabe and
Tsvangirai. Some of the controversial
such as the imposition of sanctions on the country. Some of them out rightly dangerous such as
the at one time serious consideration by Tony Blair to ‘liberally’ invade
Zimbabwe in similar fashion to the war on Iraq.
and is as expected. It does however have
many consequences. Some of them good,
such as the eventual SADC mediated inclusive government of Mugabe and
Tsvangirai. Some of the controversial
such as the imposition of sanctions on the country. Some of them out rightly dangerous such as
the at one time serious consideration by Tony Blair to ‘liberally’ invade
Zimbabwe in similar fashion to the war on Iraq.
Where it comes to the coup-not-a-coup of November 2017,
again central to our domestic politics was the international gaze and pursuit of
recognition. Either by way of global legitimacy
or superpower anointing. And those that
removed Mugabe from power did not hesitate to explain that everything that
would happen from thereon would be all about restoring Zimbabwe’s international
legitimacy. This included the July 2018 harmonised elections whose presidential
election results the opposition MDC Alliance disputed and continues to do so
today.
again central to our domestic politics was the international gaze and pursuit of
recognition. Either by way of global legitimacy
or superpower anointing. And those that
removed Mugabe from power did not hesitate to explain that everything that
would happen from thereon would be all about restoring Zimbabwe’s international
legitimacy. This included the July 2018 harmonised elections whose presidential
election results the opposition MDC Alliance disputed and continues to do so
today.
But Mnangagwa’s government did not hold back from this international
engagement and legitimation despite this.
Embracing neoliberalism, going on a diplomatic offensive with SADC, the
AU and global superpowers, outlining a legal reform agenda Mnangagwa has made
it his personal mission to get this ‘recognition’. While the opposition MDC Alliance has also
made it its collective mission to find means and ways of undermining it. Its almost like deja vu.
engagement and legitimation despite this.
Embracing neoliberalism, going on a diplomatic offensive with SADC, the
AU and global superpowers, outlining a legal reform agenda Mnangagwa has made
it his personal mission to get this ‘recognition’. While the opposition MDC Alliance has also
made it its collective mission to find means and ways of undermining it. Its almost like deja vu.
Where we fast forward to August 2019, on the eve of a SADC
summit in Tanzania, the opposition has not let up on its counter recognition intention. It organized a demonstration that it said was
about the dire economic situation but the timing is obviously intended to put
pressure on SADC. The regional body,
having already recognized Mnangagwa as a legitimate president also intends to
pass on the rotating chair of its Organ on Politics, Security and Defence to
him. A big score on his part, an
unpalatable state of affairs for the mainstream opposition. The reality of the
matter is that SADC will not change its mind easily on the matter unless
unprecedentedly pressured by one global superpower or the other.
summit in Tanzania, the opposition has not let up on its counter recognition intention. It organized a demonstration that it said was
about the dire economic situation but the timing is obviously intended to put
pressure on SADC. The regional body,
having already recognized Mnangagwa as a legitimate president also intends to
pass on the rotating chair of its Organ on Politics, Security and Defence to
him. A big score on his part, an
unpalatable state of affairs for the mainstream opposition. The reality of the
matter is that SADC will not change its mind easily on the matter unless
unprecedentedly pressured by one global superpower or the other.
And that should be enough to save Mnangagwa’s blushes at the
next summit of the AU or the General Assembly of the United Nations.
next summit of the AU or the General Assembly of the United Nations.
The bigger issue that must always remain at the back of our
minds is a very difficult and borderline semantic one. We have to ask ourselves, ‘for whom are all
these things/events/policies being done?’
The most skeptical answer is that its all egocentric, i.e the politicians
do it for themselves. Another answer may say ‘we want the return of
the US$’. A testament to hedonism and the commodity fetish.
minds is a very difficult and borderline semantic one. We have to ask ourselves, ‘for whom are all
these things/events/policies being done?’
The most skeptical answer is that its all egocentric, i.e the politicians
do it for themselves. Another answer may say ‘we want the return of
the US$’. A testament to hedonism and the commodity fetish.
A more realistic answer is that this is
increasingly done as a competition for recognition by global superpowers and global
capital. One either side of the
political divide. And with limited attempt
at balancing the country’s contextual domestic issues with global or international
trends. It is as tragic as it is sad.
increasingly done as a competition for recognition by global superpowers and global
capital. One either side of the
political divide. And with limited attempt
at balancing the country’s contextual domestic issues with global or international
trends. It is as tragic as it is sad.
I will end with a relatively extensive quote from Amilcar
Cabral speaking at the Tri-Continental Conference of the Peoples of Africa,
Asia and Latin America in Havana, Cuba as far back as 1966. He explained in his ‘Weapon of Theory’
address to this historically important gathering of revolutionaries the following:
Cabral speaking at the Tri-Continental Conference of the Peoples of Africa,
Asia and Latin America in Havana, Cuba as far back as 1966. He explained in his ‘Weapon of Theory’
address to this historically important gathering of revolutionaries the following:
“When the African peoples say in their simple language that
“no matter how hot the water from your well, it will not cook your rice,” they
express with singular simplicity a fundamental principle, not only of physics,
but also of political science. We know that the development of a phenomenon in
movement, whatever its external appearance, depends mainly on its internal
characteristics. We also know that on the political level our own reality —
however fine and attractive the reality of others may be — can only be transformed
by detailed knowledge of it, by our own efforts, by our own sacrifices. It is
useful to recall in this Tri-continental gathering, so rich in experience and
example, that however great the similarity between our various cases and
however identical our enemies, national liberation and social revolution are
not exportable commodities; they are, and increasingly so every day, the
outcome of local and national elaboration, more or less influenced by external
factors (be they favorable or unfavorable) but essentially determined and
formed by the historical reality of each people, and carried to success by the
overcoming or correct solution of the internal contradictions between the
various categories characterising this reality. The success of the Cuban revolution,
taking place only 90 miles from the greatest imperialist and anti-socialist
power of all time, seems to us, in its content and its way of evolution, to be
a practical and conclusive illustration of the validity of this principle.”
“no matter how hot the water from your well, it will not cook your rice,” they
express with singular simplicity a fundamental principle, not only of physics,
but also of political science. We know that the development of a phenomenon in
movement, whatever its external appearance, depends mainly on its internal
characteristics. We also know that on the political level our own reality —
however fine and attractive the reality of others may be — can only be transformed
by detailed knowledge of it, by our own efforts, by our own sacrifices. It is
useful to recall in this Tri-continental gathering, so rich in experience and
example, that however great the similarity between our various cases and
however identical our enemies, national liberation and social revolution are
not exportable commodities; they are, and increasingly so every day, the
outcome of local and national elaboration, more or less influenced by external
factors (be they favorable or unfavorable) but essentially determined and
formed by the historical reality of each people, and carried to success by the
overcoming or correct solution of the internal contradictions between the
various categories characterising this reality. The success of the Cuban revolution,
taking place only 90 miles from the greatest imperialist and anti-socialist
power of all time, seems to us, in its content and its way of evolution, to be
a practical and conclusive illustration of the validity of this principle.”
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity
(takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
(takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com)
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